Honest politicians: are globalists killing endangered species?
Heroes of the Evolution: John Pombe Magufuli of Tanzania and Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi
SOURCE: UK Reloaded
Intro by Kieron McFadden
This item from a year ago is well worth giving a new airing to remind us that behind the social veneer there is a war on for your planet and the war can get pretty ugly.
Humanity faces an enemy that is not averse to bumping off politicians that get in its way and cannot be swayed by blackmail, money or threats.
Thus the globalist stooges (Macron, Trudeau, Johnson, Putin, Biden et al) with their feet firmly under the NWO table are covertly supported whilst politicians who refuse to be cowed are even more covertly eliminated.
The latter politicians are a rare breed but evidently do exist. Only we, The People, can save them from extinction.
Hence the need for a vibrant grass roots movement to back up the good guys, with a life force so independent of any of them that bumping them off avails the enemy nothing. Which we now have.
The article featured here highlights the cases of Tanzania’s President Magufuli and Burundi’sPierre Nkurunziza who was felled in the line of duty by “heart failure”.
The story of Tanzania and its President provides clear illustration of the many fallacies and outright criminal shenanigans surrounding the Covid Pandemic psyop and Magufuli, in endeavouring to protect his people from the attack said and did what many Western politicians working for the globalist MAFIA should have said and done but did not.
The source of the following article is Unlimited Hangout
Tanzania’s Late President Magufuli: “Science Denier” or Threat to Empire?
While his COVID-19 policies have dominated media coverage regarding his disappearance and suspicious death, Tanzania’s John Magufuli was hated by the Western elites for much more than his rebuke of lockdowns and mask mandates. In particular, his efforts towards nationalizing the country’s mineral wealth threatened to deprive the West of control over resources deemed essential to the new green economy.
BYJEREMY LOFFREDO AND WHITNEY WEBB MARCH 29, 2021
Less than two weeks ago, Tanzanian vice president Samia Suluhu Hassan delivered the news that her country’s president, John Pombe Magufuli, had died of heart failure. President Magufuli had been described as missing since the end of February, with several antigovernment parties circulating stories that he had fallen ill with COVID-19. During his presidency, Magufuli had consistently challenged neocolonialism in Tanzania, whether it manifested through the exploitation of his country’s natural resources by predatory multinationals or through the West’s influence over his country’s food supply.
In the months leading up to his death, Magufuli had become better known, and particularly demonized, in the West for opposing the authority of international organizations such as the World Health Organization in determining his government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis. Magufuli, however, had already spurned many of these same interests and organizations that were angered by his response to COVID, having kicked out Bill Gates–funded trials of genetically modified crops and more recently opposing some of the most powerful mining companies in the West, companies with ties to the World Economic Forum and the WEF’s efforts to guide the course of the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Indeed, more threatening to the West than Magufuli’s recent COVID stance was the threat he posed to foreign control over the world’s largest ready-to-develop nickel deposit, a metal essential for making electric car batteries needed in the current effort to create an electric autonomous vehicle revolution. For instance, just a month before he disappeared, Magufuli had signed an agreement between the government and a group of investors to begin developing that nickel deposit. The deposit had been co-owned by Barrick Gold and Glencore, a commodity giant with deep ties to Israel’s Mossad, until Magufuli revoked their license for the project in 2018.
A president running afoul of powerful corporate and banking cartels who is suddenly and mysteriously “removed” from power would usually evoke considerable coverage from anti-imperialist independent media outlets, which, for example, recently covered similar events in Bolivia that led to the removal of Evo Morales from power. Nevertheless, the very outlets that have, for years, extensively covered western-backed regime-change efforts have been entirely silent on the very convenient death of Magufuli. Presumably, their silence is related to Magufuli’s flouting of COVID-19 narrative orthodoxy, as these same outlets have largely promoted the official narrative of the pandemic.
Yet, regardless of whether one agrees with Magufuli’s response to COVID, his sudden departure and Tanzania’s new leadership is a defeat for a widely popular domestic movement that sought to halt the centuries-long exploitation of Tanzania by the West. With Magufuli’s lengthy disappearance, followed by his apparent sudden death from heart failure, the country’s future is set to be determined by Tanzanian politicians with deep ties to the oligarch-beholden United Nations and the World Economic Forum.
In contrast to Magufuli, who routinely stood up against predatory corporations and imperialists, Samia Suhulhu and opposition politician Tundu Lissu are poised to offer up their country’s resources, and their population, on the altar of the western elite-driven Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Magufuli’s Celebrated Rise and His Clashes with the West
Magufuli was first elected president of Tanzania with running mate and now president of Tanzania, Samia Suhulu, back in 2015, winning 58 percent of the vote. At first, the president received lavish praise from major western media outlets, which later demonized him. For instance, a BBC report from 2016 reflected on Magufuli’s first year in office and noted his 96 percent approval rating. The report also quoted political analyst Kitila Mumbo, who remarked, “There is no doubt that President Magufuli is very popular among many ordinary Tanzanians” and added that “the president’s main promise of extending free education to secondary school, which came into effect in January, has been well received.”
Also in 2016, CNN had reported that “the Tanzanian public has gone wild for its new president John Magufuli” and that “after sweeping to victory in October 2015, Magufuli has embarked on a remorseless purge of corruption.” The article reported that Magufuli had inspired a new term, as seen in Tanzanians’ social media posts: Magufulify: “1. to render or declare an action faster or cheaper; 2. to deprive [public officials] of their capacity to enjoy life at taxpayers’ expense; 3. to terrorize lazy and corrupt individuals in society.”
Indeed, Magufuli’s time in office was characterized by his making decisions that benefited the majority of Tanzanians, largely at the expense of foreign corporations but also by overhauling the Tanzanian government itself, known for its entrenched corruption and absenteeism prior to Magufuli’s rise. His administration cut the salaries of the executives at state-owned companies, as well as cutting his own salary, from $15,000 to $4,000. Some state parades and celebrations were reduced or cancelled to cover the expenses for running public hospitals.
Improving health care had long been one of Magufuli’s priorities, and life expectancy in Tanzania significantly increased every year he was in office. In addition, in the previous fifty years of Tanzanian independence, only 77 district hospitals were constructed, whereas, during the past four years alone, 101 such hospitals were constructed and equipped through local funding. By July 2020, the country had grown from a lower-income country to a middle-income country, per the World Bank.
A recent report by the hawkish US establishment think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, was highly critical of Magufuli but noted the following about his political philosophy:
Magufuli, who subscribes to his own homegrown “Tanzania first” philosophy, believes that Tanzania has been cheated out of profit and wealth by exploitative mabeberu (“imperialists”) since independence. To secure populist support, Magufuli has fashioned his agenda as a continuation of the socialist vision of Tanzania’s first president, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, who advocated self-reliance, an intolerance to corruption, and a strong nationalist character.
Magufuli’s conflicts with the mabeberu transpired throughout his presidency; he targeted various projects, corporate ventures, and oligarchs that have exploited much of the Global South for decades. For example, in late 2018, Tanzania’s government ordered a stop to all ongoing field trials on genetically modified crops and the destruction of all plants grown as part of those trials. Those trials were being conducted by a partnership called the Water Efficient Maize for Africa (WEMA), which was a collaboration between Monsanto and the African Agricultural Technology Foundation, a nonprofit funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, GM seed/agrochemical giant Syngenta, PepsiCo, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the latter long known to be a cut-out for the CIA. In January 2021, a month before Magufuli’s disappearance, Tanzania’s agriculture ministry not only announced a cancellation of all “research trials involving genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the country” for a second time, it also announced plans to institute new biosafety regulations aimed at protecting Tanzania’s food sovereignty by scrutinizing western GM seed imports.
Historically, the US has been particularly harsh to countries that resist the integration of GM biotech into their food systems. According to a State Department cable from 2007 published by Wikileaks, Craig Stapleton, then US ambassador to France, advised the US to prepare for economic war with countries unwilling to introduce Monsanto’s GM corn seeds into their agricultural sectors. He recommended that the US “calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU” because of the bloc’s resistance to approving some GM products. In another cable from 2009, a US diplomat stationed in Germany relayed intelligence on Bavarian political parties to several US federal agencies and the US secretary of defense, telling them which parties opposed Monsanto’s M810 corn seed and spoke of “tactics that the US could impose to resolve the opposition.”
The US government’s use of food as a weapon for its imperialist agenda became de facto policy when Henry Kissinger was secretary of state during the Nixon administration. During that period, a classified report was produced by the State Department that argued that the population of the developing world threatened US national security and posited that food aid be used as an “instrument of national power” to advance US aims READ MORE
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